BBC
7 May 2008

Outgoing Irish finance minister Brian Cowen has formally taken over from Bertie Ahern as taoiseach.

Brian Cowen is not expected to have much of a political honeymoon

The 48-year-old was elected in the Irish Parliament and won by 88 votes to 76. He was given a standing ovation by party colleagues in the Dáil.

Fine Gael Leader Enda Kenny said Mr Cowen had assumed position as captain of the team of Ireland and he urged him to use his position wisely.

Mr Ahern handed in his seal of office to President McAleese on Tuesday.

As prime minister, Mr Cowen succeeds Mr Ahern as Fianna Fáil leader and head of the coalition government.

His first electoral test is just weeks away, with a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty which reforms the EU.

Focus on finances

The Republic of Ireland is the only country holding a referendum on the issue.

All the main political parties with the exception of Sinn Fein are urging a yes vote, but the polls show growing support for those opposed, especially in the farming community.

Mr Ahern, 56, was taoiseach since June 1997 and has been a member of the Dáil or Irish Parliament for 31 years.

He announced on 2 April that he would be stepping down, amid mounting pressure as a public inquiry investigating planning corruption in the 1990s questioned him about his personal finances.

Mr Ahern said he had not done anything wrong, but was quitting because he did not want the constant focus on his finances to affect his Fianna Fáil party.

By Lesley-Anne Henry
Belfast Telegraph
Wednesday 7, May 2008 - 10:27]

Evidence from an FBI agent who infiltrated the Real IRA will be admitted to the Omagh civil action, a High Court judge has ruled.

Mr Justice Morgan told the landmark civil hearing against five men believed to have been behind the 1998 bombing that evidence from the US trucker-turned-spy, David Rupert, could be heard in court.

Mr Rupert testified during Michael McKevitt's criminal trial in Dublin in 2003 and his evidence was considered key in securing McKevitt's 20-year prison term.

This time round however, the FBI has forbidden Rupert from giving new evidence in person or via videolink because of ill health and increased concerns over his safety following the shooting of IRA informant Denis Donaldson.

In a judgment presented during the civil action, Mr Morgan told the court he had studied the Civil Evidence Order (Northern Ireland 1997) and would allow the evidence which includes seven statements, 2,300 pages of email correspondence and other documents between Rupert and his handlers, transcripts of his evidence at the Supreme Court in Dublin as well corroborative statements from Gardai. He said the defendants' lawyers could make representations as to what weight he should put on it.

The evidence is expected to be heard when trial proceedings move to Dublin for four days next week. Lawyers for McKevitt and a second defendant, Colm Murphy, had argued against admitting Rupert's evidence without cross-examination of the witness claiming it was unfair.

However Judge Morgan added: "I immediately recognise that there is force in the submission advanced on behalf of these defendants that I will not have the opportunity to assess the demeanour of Mr Rupert in the witness box and that the transcript may be an unsatisfactory substitute for that."

Michael McKevitt, Liam Campbell, Colm Murphy, Seamus McKenna and Seamus Daly, all deny any part in the bombing. Also during yesterday's brief hearing, barrister Brett Lockhart for the prosecution made an application to have evidence from Liam Campbell disclosed. On the first day of the civil trial, Campbell was described in court as a senior Real IRA officer.

The hearing has been adjourned until Thursday when Mr Morgan is expected to rule on the disclosure of Security Services documents.

By Chris Thornton
Belfast Telegraph
Wednesday 7, May 2008

**There are about 7 image graphs onsite for this article. If you want to save them, please view the oiriginal article before it goes behind subscription.

As a group and as individual ministers, the Stormont Executive is told today that they must do better.

Just over a fifth (21%) of the public thinks the Executive has done a good job since they took up office a year ago - that's compared to 28% who rated their collective performance as poor.

But the largest section of people who took part in the Belfast Telegraph/Ipsos MORI poll gave a neutral rating to their first year's performance - suggesting they are withholding their opinion until they see more.

Forty-seven per cent of the public said the Executive had been neither good nor poor in their first year. Catholics and Protestants were equally likely to rate the performance as poor over good.

Even among supporters of the DUP and Sinn Fein - the two lead parties in the Executive - there is no sign of significant enthusiasm.

Percentage who know a fair amount or a lot about each minister

Ian Paisley - 77%

Martin McGuinness - 67%

Peter Robinson - 56%

Nigel Dodds - 46%

Sir Reg Empey - 41%

Michael McGimpsey - 34%

Arlene Foster - 29%

Caitriona Ruane - 27%

Michelle Gildernew - 26%

Edwin Poots - 21%

Conor Murphy - 18%

Margaret Ritchie - 18%

DUP supporters even edged towards negativity - with 28% rating the performance as poor, compared to 26% saying it has been good. Among Sinn Fein supporters, 30% said the Executive has been good, with 26% declaring its performance poor.

Among the 12 ministers who make up the Executive, none of them found favourability with a majority of the overall public.

And sectarian politics also appears to still be at play. Protestants rated Protestant ministers higher than any Catholic ministers, and Catholics tended to do the opposite - with one exception.

First Minister Ian Paisley got the highest favourability ratings from Protestants and the second highest from Catholics, making him the only minister to break through sectarian divisions.

The outgoing DUP leader is considered favourably by 56% of Protestants and 37% of Catholics.

What may be most significant about the Catholic ratings is not Mr Paisley's second place finish, but the lack of warmth to other ministers that allowed him to finish so high.

Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness is the only minister to find favourability with a majority of Catholics (52%).

Eight of the 12 Executive members are looked on favourably by one-third or less of Catholics who took part in the poll.

Social Development Minister Margaret Ritchie is the least well-known of any Executive member, but those who do know her rate her relatively well, probably because of her opposition to funding a community project supported by the UDA.

Ms Ritchie, the only SDLP minister in the Executive, got the highest rating of any nationalist among Protestants, with a 26% favourability rating.

She was also third behind Mr McGuinness and Mr Paisley among Catholics. Her South Down election rival, Education Minister Caitriona Ruane, finished fifth among Catholics. But she got the lowest rating of any Minister among Protestants at 8%, dragging her down to last place overall.

Although the public doesn't appear to be too impressed by Executive or its ministers so far, people do have faith in the new administration surviving.

More than two-thirds (69%) said they believe Northern Ireland will continue to have its own government for many years to come, compared to 12% who disagreed with that idea.

Almost half the public (48%) said they hold that opinion strongly.

More than three-quarters (77%) of DUP supporters believe the administration will last.

Among Sinn Fein supporters, almost two-thirds (65%) agree. Although more Sinn Fein supporters (21%) thought Stormont will not last than any other party - presumably because they believe it will be replaced by a united Ireland.
Politicians struggle for recognition

For politicians, recognition is like gold dust - hard to get and worth hanging on to.

Politics is a line of work where popularity matters. And the first step to getting people to like you is getting them to remember who you are.

So to gauge what the Northern Ireland public thinks of the ministers in the Stormont Executive, we first had to find out how well known they are.

The Ipsos MORI poll for the Belfast Telegraph asked 1,000 people how well they knew the 12 Executive ministers. Only those who had heard of the ministers were then asked for a view on their performance.

Not surprisingly, given that he's been a public figure for 50 years, First Minister Ian Paisley was the best known member of the Executive.

More than three quarters of the public (77%) said they know a fair bit about him or know him very well.

Who's popular and who's not

His partner in the First Ministers' Office, Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness, also scores high in the recognition stakes, with more than two thirds of the public (67%) saying they know him a fair bit or very well.

Finance Minister Peter Robinson - soon to replace Mr Paisley as First Minister - was the only other Executive member to finish with more than half the public saying they know him.

Those three leaders were also unknown to very few people - in fact, they were the only three Executive Ministers known at some level by 90% or more of the population.

Mr Robinson was unknown to 8% of the population, Mr McGuinness to 4%, and 3% said they had never heard of Mr Paisley.

But the survey makes it clear that being a member of the Executive doesn't automatically deliver that valued public profile.

Five Ministers - half the heads of departments - were each completely unknown to about one-third of the population.

Forty per cent said they had never heard of Social Development Minister Margaret Ritchie, making her the most anonymous of the Ministers. Culture Minister Edwin Poots was unknown to 35%, Regional Development Minister Conor Murphy to 34%, 33% said they hadn't heard of Agriculture Minister Michelle Gildernew, with 32% declaring they did not know Education Minister Caitriona Ruane.
The most popular ...

Ian Paisley doesn't see much change in himself over the years, but it's clear that others do.

Once the primary hate figure of the Troubles for many nationalists - and considered by the unionist establishment as a dangerous demagogue or an embarrassment - Mr Paisley crowns his political career as the only Stormont Minister to break sectarian barriers.

Astonishingly, the man who once embodied sectarian division for many people got the second highest approval rating from Catholics. His decision to share power with Sinn Fein and his subsequent year as First Minister earned him favourable views from 37% of Catholics.

It would be too much to say he's been embraced by Catholics - 32% still give him an unfavourable rating, and one in five rate him as very unfavourable.

But it significant that he's generated more favourable feelings among Catholics than nearly all the ministers who come from that community.

That's all the more astonishing for those who remember that Dr Paisley's religious career made him an arch-critic of Catholicism and his political career was founded on being an unabashed enemy of nationalism.

Down the years, however, the First Minister has always maintained that even-handed constituency work had earned him some Catholic support. There was always some anecdotal evidence to support that, but now as he draws the curtains on his long foray into politics, he's got the stats to show as well.
... and the least

No one can doubt Caitriona Ruane’s enthusiasm - and stamina.

When she took on the high profile role of Northern Ireland’s Education Minister a year ago she had high hopes and embarked on an energetic series of visits and engagements. Her packed diary continues to this day.

Commentators warned that she had a bulging in-tray which included the contentious 11-plus debate, improving literacy and numeracy standards, the creation of a new single education authority, reducing the 50,000 empty desks in schools across the province, a revised school curriculum and primary schools battling for increased funding.

But 12 months down the line many of the major issues still have to be fully dealt with - including the prominent problem of reaching consensus with her Assembly colleagues on a new school transfer system.

The Minister’s relationship with the education committee is also on rocky ground following a number of stormy meetings and rows.

And at the highest level in the Assembly she also managed to rile her Executive colleagues by snubbing offers for a Ministerial sub-group to be set up to work on the school transfer issue.

Aside from a “vision statement” last December very little information has been provided on how Ms Ruane’s plans for a non-selective education system will actually work in practice. Anyone who dares to criticise or ask questions is accused of being against change.

The Minister is due to announce further details on her new transfer system next week.

This will either improve her popularity rating or - if the detail fails to impress - could ensure she stays at the bottom of the ministerial class.
A begrudging happy birthday to Assembly

Forget Happy Birthday. Today's poll blows out the candles early on the Executive's cake, with a stern 'must do better' warning. Political Correspondent Noel McAdam reports

If a week is a long time in politics, a year can seem an eternity.

But 12 months on, the jury is still out on the Stormont Executive, according to the results of today's Belfast Telegraph/ Ipsos MORI poll.

It will come as something of a surprise to ministers than almost three quarters of those polled (72%) say devolution hasn't made any difference to their lives.

And particularly for an Executive which has trumpeted the economy as its foremost priority, the lack of any significant impact must also prove an eye-opener.

That more register the performance of the Executive as 'poor' (28%) than 'good' (21%) is among the most telling of statistics, indicating that the trend for those who have formed an opinion one way or the other is coming out against.



The lack of legislation from the Executive and the Assembly, and lengthy wrangles such as the Victims Commission — as well as fairly regular long-fingering of issues, including the Shared Future strategy — must all feed into a public impression of creeping paralysis.

And though they have agreed a three-year programme for government, a comprehensive and hard-fought Budget and an investment strategy stretching ahead for a decade, these are achievements which appear to have registered in the public consciousness less than might have been expected.

One of the key battles, which helped lead to Iris Robinson being suspended from the chamber for a day, was over the health service, and additiional monies were eventually apportioned, but today's poll shows two-thirds of people believe the NHS is neither better or worse.

There is no doubt the Executive and Assembly have made major decisions, such as the historic compromise over reducing the province's 26 councils to 11 rather than seven, but there is little sense of momentum with weekly agendas for the legislature filled out with party and individual member motions. Too often it looks like our MLAs are simply killing time.

Yet even in terms of dealing with the unexpected, such as the crisis caused by last summer's floods and the Bluetongue scare, ministers are being given little credit.

Still, the glass may be more half full than empty. The fact that those questioned are blowing neither hot or cold — the largest single chunk (47%) simply saying the performance is neither good nor bad — can be interpreted as a modest form of success.

While relatively few are singing the praises of our collective administration, and marginally more are negative, the fact that almost half say neither good nor bad can also be seen as evidence that the Executive is bedding down, becoming part of normality, maybe even being taken for granted.

People go into politics to change things, but the perception of real change in our lives is rarely dramatic. Change, as we say, comes dropping slow. For the most part we tend to assimilate.

And even if arguably it isn't working well, in one sense it should be remembered we should perhaps be taken aback that it is working at all.

Who, even five years ago, would have put money on the DUP and Sinn Fein successfully sharing power together?

Politician popularity goes up in line with familiarity

So who says that politics is not a popularity contest?

Political Correspondent Noel McAdam looks at the Executive winners and losers, and their standing in the other community.

Last summer an incredible 48% of DUP supporters said Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness had performed well in office so far.

And Sinn Fein supporters returned the compliment, with an even higher proportion (54%) giving the same verdict to First Minister Ian Paisley.

The results appeared to belie people's expectations of how the two men would get on. Perhaps the chuckling proved infectious.

Nearly a year on, there's evidence that respect for their work hasn't translated into popularity.

Ian Paisley is given a 37% favourability rating with Catholics, while Mr McGuinness has just a 24% score among Protestants.

Yet at the same time the former self-confessed IRA second-in-command scores the highest of all the Sinn Fein Ministers with Protestants.

As time goes on, this must be about much more than just public profile.

Agriculture Minister Michelle Gildernew, who has developed a good rapport with farmers and business, has the next highest rating of 13% and Regional Development Minister Conor Murphy is on 12% with Education Minister Caitriona Ruane on just 8%.

Ms Ruane (with 33%), however, is fifth among Catholics questioned, behind Mr McGuinness (52%), Mr Paisley (37%) her South Down rival Margaret Ritchie on 34%, and Ms Gildernew, who is also on 34% (Ms Ritchie edges the Agriculture Minister with a lower unfavourable rating).

Ms Ruane did pip fellow Sinn Fein Ministers Mr Murphy (32 %).

Incoming First Minister and DUP leader Peter Robinson is just trailing the current incumbent of both positions, Mr Paisley (55% to 56% respectively) among Protestants but is 14% behind his soon-to-be predecessor with Catholics.

Given the depth of her difficulties in education, it is not surprising that Ms Ruane gains the highest unfavourable marking overall (46%). Her nearest rival, Ms Gildernew is a full ten percentage points behind. The Minister with the least unfavourable response is Employment and Learning chief, Ulster Unionist leader Sir Reg Empey.

On voting intentions, there are signals of changes to the nationalist lands cape.

Eyebrows will be raised by today's survey putting the SDLP two percentage points in front of Sinn Fein.

That may reflect waning fortunes for Sinn Fein after their trouble with the Southern electorate last year, but there are also reasons why that could be simply a mid-term blip.

Sinn Fein has historically polled lower than they actually perform in elections, and Ipsos MORI records a relatively significant number of undecided voters (16%).

Devolution 'hasn't made its mark yet'

After decades of strife and years of exhausting political negotiations, the return of devolution in May 2007 was hailed as a landmark event for Northern Ireland.

There's no reason to suppose that has changed — but after a year of steady, uninterrupted government by the Assembly and Executive, the public is less than impressed with the change.

As a key part of the Belfast Telegraph poll on the first year of devolution, Ipsos MORI asked 1,000 people whether the return of Stormont has made their lives better or worse.

Certainly the power-sharing administration hasn't generated much in the way of negative feeling — only 2% said it has made things worse for them — but it also clearly hasn't made much of a mark.

Almost three-quarters (72%) of the public said devolution hasn't made any difference to their lives.

Just over a quarter (26%) said their life has improved as a result.

Catholics are more likely than Protestants to see an improvement. Twenty-nine per cent of Catholics think their life has been made better, compared to 23% of Protestants.

A majority of every age group said devolution hasn't made a difference to their lives, but the opinion was most striking among young people. Almost nine out of 10 (87%) of 18 to 24-year-olds said it has made no difference, along with four out of five 25 to 34-year-olds.

The economy was one area where more people indicated they could see some improvement.

But two-thirds said they could not see any difference to the health system after a year of devolution.

Almost half (46%) of the people who took part in the poll said the Assembly has made no difference to Northern Ireland's economy.

But a significant number — 38% — said they thought the economy has improved. Another 10% said they see it as worse.

People in Belfast were far more likely to see an economic improvement than people outside the city. Forty-two per cent in the city and surrounding area said the economy is better. Areas west of the Bann were more likely to see no change.

Sixty-seven per cent of the overall public said they could see no change in the health service, with 16% saying it's better and 15% declaring it worse.

Protestant and Catholic views on the health service were almost identical. People in Tyrone and Fermanagh were more likely to think things have become worse — 23% compared to 9% in Belfast and 15% over all of Northern Ireland.

Slippage shows for SF

A new Assembly election is still a long way off, but the mid-term snapshot provided by today's Belfast Telegraph poll is worrying news for Sinn Fein.

The second largest party in the Assembly and Executive has slipped behind the other three Executive parties, including their nationalist rivals in the SDLP.

According to the poll, 11% of the population would currently give Sinn Fein their first preference vote in an election.

There may be reasons to treat the result with caution — Sinn Fein tends to register low in polls and 16% of potential voters remain undecided.

But the drop is a significant indication that the battle for dominance in nationalism is far from over.

Sinn Fein earned over 26% of the vote in last year's Assembly election, earning them the Deputy First Minister's post and three other seats at the Executive table.

The SDLP got 15% of the vote, translating into just one Executive seat.

Since then, Sinn Fein has experienced some difficulties — a poor performance in the Republic's general election, questions over Gerry Adams' leadership and the sense that the DUP is in a position to block projects like the Maze stadium.

Each of the four largest parties sees lower support levels than they received at the Assembly election.

But that is a natural reflection of the undecided people, who are not counted in an election.

The DUP remains the largest party with 20% support.

The UUP is second at 14% and the SDLP is third at 13%.

Jim Allister's Traditional Unionist Voice does not feature in the poll because the party has not yet stood in any major elections.

How our poll was carried out

During April 2008, Ipsos MORI, on behalf of the Belfast Telegraph, carried out 1,000 interviews amongst a representative sample of the Northern Ireland population.

To achieve a representative sample, quotas were put in place for age, gender and employment status.

The fieldwork was conducted by a dedicated team from Ipsos MORI's telephone research centre between 18 April, 2008, and 27 April, 2008.

The telephone numbers were generated using random digit dialling (RDD).

Belfast Telegraph
Wednesday 7, May 2008

Bertie Ahern yesterday called on people on both sides of the border to understand their shared history in order to build for the future.

Marking his final day in office, Mr Ahern was joined by the Northern Ireland First Minister Ian Paisley to officially open the Battle of the Boyne site.

The leaders used 17th-century swords to cut the ribbon on the new €15m centre, which opens to the public today.

Mr Ahern said he hoped people would travel from all over the island to visit the centre and to "develop the greater mutual understanding essential to peace and reconciliation".

He added: "We need -- all of us -- to understand our shared history if we are to build a shared future.

"The principles and ideals that we hold dear are the same -- liberty and equality, democracy and peace. If we hold fast to these shared ideals, our children will have an inheritance to treasure."

Mr Ahern said in recent years many from the nationalist tradition have come to a greater appreciation of the history, traditions and identity of those from the unionist tradition.

"We have come to understand the pride you take in your history and to recognise that your history is our history too," he said.

Mr Ahern said it's not history that is of concern now, but the future. "In the future, let us respect each other and our identities. Let us be reconciled with each other, and let us be friends, and let us live in peace," he said.

Directing his comments directly at people from the Protestant, unionist and loyalist tradition, who had travelled to the site, Mr Ahern said it was an honour to have them there.

"For far too long, many people from Northern Ireland feared to travel to the south. I am glad to say those days are over," he said.

Mr Paisley said he started something a year ago when he met Mr Ahern at the same site, and he wanted to see it complete.

"It was nice to know that one of the last acts we did when we were in office, he as Taoiseach and me as First Minister, is we met at the Boyne and cut the tape," he said.

And he was in no doubt of the importance of the event and its symbolism in terms of North-South relations.

"To the bad old days there can be no turning back," he said.

"The killing times must be ended forever, and no tolerance must be given to any who advocate their return. A strong dedication to peace and an intolerance of murder must drive us forward. The coming generation has a right to demand this, and we cannot fail them," he added.

Mr Paisley said his relationship with Mr Ahern was extremely positive.

"There are many things that we disagree about but there are many things we agree about. We agree that we both are entitled to live here and we want to make it the best possible place for all religions and all people," he said.

The 82-year-old Mr Paisley is due to resign over the next month as leader of the Democratic Unionist Party and will be replaced by Peter Robinson.

The centrepiece of the Battle of the Boyne centre is Oldbridge House, a 17th-century mansion.

The heritage centre commemorates the battle in 1690 between King William of Orange and his father-in-law King James II.
*

By Ian Cullen
Derry Journal
07 May 2008

A Coroner has appealed for information on the death of a Derry man who died during rioting in the city in July 1996.
Witnesses to the death of Dermot McShane, who died after being crushed under a British army vehicle at Little James Street in Derry, have been urged to come forward by coroner Brian Sherrard.

Mr Sherrard was speaking ahead of the inquest into the death of the 35 year-old which is due to begin in Derry courthouse on May 27

"In order to ensure that all the evidence is before the court, I would ask any member of the public who has not already been summoned to attend the hearing, and who wishes to bring anything of relevance to Mr McShane's death to the court's attention, to contact the Coroners Service," he said.

Last month the Historical Enquires Team (HET) recommended that no charges be levelled against the soldier who drove the vehicle.
The case was investigated by the HET after the Director of Public Prosecutions' (DPP) 1998 decision that there was insufficient evidence to sustain murder, manslaughter or dangerous driving charges against the soldier.

The rioting that took place on the night Mr. McShane was killed was some of the heaviest seen in the city in many years. It erupted after an Orange Order march was forced down the Garvaghy Road in Portadown by the RUC.

According to official figures, 946 plastic bullets were fired on the night of July 12/13 while the police claimed that up to 1,200 petrol bombs were thrown. During the rioting, Mr McShane and others were using a hoarding as cover when a British army vehicle drove at it. Mr McShane was crushed under the wheels of the vehicle.

Members of the public can contact the Coroners Office by email (coronersoffice@courtsni.gsi.gov.uk) or by telephoning Donna Hall on 028 9044 6821 no later than 16 May 2008.

Derry Journal
07 May 2008

Samaritans have launched a new text alert service for students who may be feeling in emotional distress or despair.

It is aimed at helping young people during difficult times such as before and during exams and around results times.

Like all Samaritan services it is completely confidential to the organisation.

The text alert service will provide people with contact details for the Samaritans. It will give people a telephone number and an email address giving people two options to get in touch.

Then at various times of year, which are traditionally difficult for young people, such as in the run up to exams a reminder text will be sent for ongoing support.

To avail of the service you can register by texting SAM 51500.

Samaritans recognise that sometimes it can be difficult for young people to talk to their friends or family about worries and would urge them to get in touch.

Samaritans are in operation 24 hours per day and can be contacted via telephone, email or face to face. Volunteers offer a listening ear and emotional support. They do not give advice or judge people and they allow callers to make their own decisions.

Parents, schools and young people themselves are being encouraged to circulate the text for information about Samaritans, so that they can help people who need their support.

The Derry Branch of Samaritans is at 16 Clarendon Street and it is open from 10am-10pm daily for face-to-face callers.

The telephone number for the centre is 71 265511.

Irish News
07/05/08

Convicted Real IRA chief Michael McKevitt has lost his fight to have hearsay evidence from an FBI spy who infiltrated the paramilitary group excluded from the Omagh bomb civil action.

Mr Justice Morgan, the judge hearing the multi-million-pound compensation case at the High Court in Belfast, ruled that more than 2,300 pages of emails and documents involving David Rupert, the American trucker-turned intelligence agent, can be introduced.

Lawyers for McKevitt, one of five men being sued by relatives of some of those murdered in the 1998 atrocity, had argued that it would be unfair to allow the material.

Mr Rupert is on a witness-protection programme and forbidden by his FBI handlers from even appearing via video-link. McKevitt’s lawyers claimed that allowing his evidence would deprive them of an opportunity to cross-examine Mr Rupert and to test his credibility.

The resistance from McKevitt, who is serving a 20-year sentence for directing terrorism after Mr Rupert’s dramatic appearance as a key prosecution witness at his criminal trial in Dublin in 2003, was backed by Colm Murphy, another of those named in the families’ action.

Murphy, the families allege, provided the telephones used in the transportation of the bomb into Omagh.

Both McKevitt and Murphy, along with the three other defendants – Seamus Mc-Kenna, Liam Campbell and Seamus Daly – deny responsibility for the massacre.

After studying the Civil Evidence (Northern Ireland) Order, which governs hearsay issues, Mr Justice Morgan backed the bid to bring in the Rupert material.

But he also stressed that its significance could still be contested.

Issuing his ruling on the 15th day of the case, he said: “Conscious of my obligation to ensure a fair trial for all of the parties I consider that this is properly achieved by permitting the plaintiffs to admit the evidence and ap-plying the appropriate safeguards contained within the 1997 order.

“That does not in any way diminish the entitlement of any defendant to a fair trial in this action, nor does it prohibit or predetermine a submission on behalf of the defendants once the evidence is received that I should accord it no weight.”

As well as the emails and documents, the families’ lawyers plan to use transcripts from more than 10 days Mr Rupert spent in the witness box at the Special Criminal Court in Dublin.

Mr Justice Morgan said he was also aware of substantial material which McKevitt will seek to use in a bid to portray the spy as “a dishonest and unprincipled person whose primary interest is in securing monetary gain”.

“I immediately recognise that there is force in the submission advanced on behalf of these defendants that I will not have the opportunity to assess the demeanour of Mr Rupert in the witness box and that the transcript may be an unsatisfactory substitute for that,” the judge said.

“I also accept that there are likely to be questions related to the matters the subject of this action which were not posed in the criminal proceedings in Dublin and which it might be advantageous for the third named defendant (McKevitt) to pose in these proceedings.”

Meanwhile, Mr Justice Morgan also confirmed that the trial was being classified as civil, compensatory proceedings.

This followed arguments by the defendants’ lawyers that the case constituted a criminal charge, with subsequent entitlement to rights, based on the allegations that they were responsible for murdering 29 people including a woman pregnant with twins, and the plaintiffs’ desire to hold the wrongdoers to account.

The trial was adjourned until tomorrow, when a further ruling on security services documents is to be made.

It will then move to Dublin on Monday when nearly 30 Garda witnesses are due to begin giving evidence during a week of hearings.

Irish News
07/05/08

Twelve British soldiers have received permission from the High Court to challenge a refusal of anonymity by the inquiry into solicitor Rosemary Nelson’s murder.

The RIR witnesses want the protection because of fears that they could be put at risk if their identities are made public.

Mr Justice Weatherup yesterday granted them leave to apply for a judicial review of the decision taken by the tribunal examining Mrs Nelson’s killing after hearing claims of possible targeting by rogue republican paramilitaries.

“We say the names in this case would be of interest only to dissident terrorists,” David Scoffield, counsel for the soldiers, said.

He also argued that withholding their identities would have no impact on the inquiry’s ability to do its job properly.

The tribunal has been set up to probe the circumstances surrounding the assassination of Mrs Nelson by loyalists who planted a bomb under her car outside her home in Lurgan, Co Armagh in March 1999.

More than 100 witnesses, including the soldiers, are due to give evidence to a three-strong panel, chaired by Sir Michael Morland, which is examining allegations of security-force collusion.

Kate Grange, appearing for the inquiry, said there were compelling reasons for naming the soldiers.

“The family of Rosemary Nelson rightly expect that acts of public servants and working practices

of the state shall, if possible, be scrutinised in public by the inquiry,” she said.

The barrister also argued that public confidence could be undermined if anonymity was secured.

She said the panel had taken into account the latest report by the Independent Monitoring Commission when deciding individual cases.

Mr Justice Weatherup accepted that proper consideration had been given to the areas of greatest dissident republican activity and their relation to where witnesses lived and worked.

He also rejected claims that the tribunal made conflicting statements on the level of risk, whether described as moderate or relatively low.

But, granting leave, the judge ruled that an arguable case had been established on the ground of compelling justification needed to refuse anonymity.

The case will now be taken to a full judicial review hearing next month, with an interim order banning any publication of the soldiers’ names also imposed.

Irish News
Barry McCaffrey
07/05/08

A FORMER republican internee battling cancer has challenged the Brit-ish government to reveal the contents of a notorious nerve gas allegedly used against prisoners.

North Belfast man John McMullan is undergoing chemotherapy, having been diagnosed with bowel and liver cancer last November.

In October 1974 Mr McMull-an was among a group of republican inmates who tried to burn the former Long Kesh internment camp to the ground in a dispute with sen-ior prison officers over visits.

Republicans claim that during a tense standoff British army helicopters dropped dozens of canisters of mysterious gas on to prisoners.

“They dropped hundreds of these canisters which exploded into clusters about 14ft above the ground,” Mr McMullan said.

“Within minutes men were dropping to the ground all over the place.

“You had this sensation as if you were drowning. People were choking and couldn’t breathe.

“We’d been used to CS gas being used on us before but this stuff was completely different. You felt as if your whole face was on fire and that you were dying.”

Shortly after the substance – identified as CR gas – was used the army regained control of the prison.

In the following days army doctors took blood samples from republican and loyalist prisoners.

“They never told us why they were taking blood samples and to this day they even deny that it even happened,” Mr McMullan said.

Throughout the Troubles the British government publicly denied that CR gas had ever been used on prisoners.

In January 2005 it was re-vealed that the government had secretly authorised the use of a “chemical agent” to be used in the event of any attempted break-out from Northern Ireland prisons.

Government papers said the use of CR gas had been authorised in a top-secret plan known as Operation Snowdrop.

The then prime minister, James Callaghan, was report-ed to have given his personal approval for the operation.

“The advice of the officials that the minister concerned will wish to weigh will un-doubtedly include the ap-praisal of not only the device in relation to incapacitating terrorists but also the risks for any hostages involved,” an MoD memo read.

“To put it baldly, there is not much point if a Snowdrop operation succeeds in capturing terrorists intact at the expense of killing or seriously injuring the hostages.”

In another NIO memo in June 1974 regarding proposals to submit test results to the medical committee of the Chemical Advisory Board, an official stated: “We see and accept the need for this and appreciate that you will im-press to conceal the knowledge that CR may be used in Northern Ireland.

“We wonder, however, whether it is necessary for you

to even mention Northern Ireland at all.”

In 1977 it was reported that all stocks of CR gas in Northern Ireland had been transferred to the Chemical Bio-logical Defence Sector Eval-uation and Research Agency at Porton Down, the headquarters of Britain’s biological warfare facility.

However, concerns over the potential health risks of exposure to CR gas have refused to go away.

In February the British government paid out more than £3 million compensation to 360 former soldiers who developed serious health problems after having been exposed to nerve gas during trials conducted at Portdon Down in the 1950s and 1960s.

Some of the soldiers said they had been told they were helping to find a cure for the common cold.

While the government continues to deny that CR gas was used at Long Kesh in October 1974, anecdotal evidence suggests that up to 60 former inmates have either died or contracted cancer, leukaemia or other terminal illnesses.

Mr McMullan called on the MoD to reveal what nerve gases were used on inmates.

“Dozens of men who were gassed that day have developed cancers or other serious illnesses,” he said.

“Even in the worst case scenario there is no way that so many men should have developed cancers.

“All we are saying is that there should be some kind of independent body allowed to prove or disprove our fears.

“Even on a purely humanitarian basis they should tell us what was used on us so that doctors know what they’re dealing with.”

An MoD spokesman said a statement made in 1999 by the then armed forces minister, John Spellar, in the House of Commons, in which he said the British army had “never used CR gas operationally”, remained the ministry’s official line.

Irish Examiner
7 May 2008

THE Court of Criminal Appeal (CCA) has quashed the convictions of five Munster men jailed three years after they were found guilty of membership of the Real IRA.

The CCA found the Special Criminal court did not have the jurisdiction to try them because they were not charged “forthwith” after they were arrested.

In 2005 Ciaran O’Dwyer, 53, of Castletroy View, Limerick; John Murphy, 28, of Kilbarry, Old Mallow Road, Cork; Ultan Larkin, 37, of Farranshone, Limerick: Gerard Varian, 49, of Fairhill, Cork; and Aidan O’Driscoll, 29, of Ballyvolane, Cork, were all convicted of membership of an illegal organisation, the Real IRA, on December 15, 2003.

O’Dwyer was jailed for five years and nine months; Larkin for four years; Varian for three years; Murphy for four years and O’Driscoll for three years in the Special Criminal Court (SCC).

Yesterday the three-judge Court of Criminal Appeal, consisting of Mr Justice Nicholas Kearns, presiding, sitting with Mr Justice Declan Budd and Mr Justice Daniel Herbert, quashed the convictions.

Four of the five men had been on bail pending the outcome of the appeal. Only one, Aidan O’Driscoll, had been in custody.

In a motion to the court lawyers for all five men had claimed their convictions should be quashed because the failure to charge them after they were held for more than 12 hours before the non-jury SCC was unlawful and the court did not have jurisdiction to try them. Counsel for the DPP had argued that all five were lawfully before the SCC.

However, Mr Justice Nicholas Kearns said in his judgment that the CCA was satisfied that the five men had not been lawfully brought before the Special Criminal Court and charged “forthwith” following their arrests on December 13, 2003.

The judge said the CCA’s “hands were tied” in light of the Supreme Court’s ruling in the O’Brien case and therefore it had “no option” other than to quash the convictions.

Mr Justice Kearns said there were a number of similarities between the cases of five men before the CCA and that of O’Brien.

The judge pointed to the fact that the periods of detention between arrest and the time both the five men and Mr O’Brien were brought before the SCC, were “virtually identical”.

He said that the “loophole” highlighted by the O’Brien case had been closed in the 2006 Criminal Justice Act.

However, that change did not apply to these particular five cases.

Irish News
**Via Newshound
By Allison Morris
06/05/08

CONVICTED killer Robert Duffy is expected to apply for a prison transfer from the Republic to Northern Ireland in order to avoid being extradited to serve out the remainder of his life sentence.

Duffy pleaded guilty to the attempted murder of Colin O’Neil at the Emerald Bar in Dundalk at Dublin’s Special Criminal Court last month and was ordered to serve a minimum of 15 years.

The former IRA man had been freed from prison in 2000 under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement having served four years of a life term for the 1993 murder of John Gibson.

Mr Gibson was shot dead by the IRA near his Newtownabbey home. The construction firm the father-of-one worked for had carried out contracts for the RUC. DNA linked Duffy to the scene.

Following his conviction in the Republic last month secretary of state Shaun Woodward suspended Duffy’s early release licence.

A decision on whether the convicted killer would be compelled to serve out the remainder of his life term in Northern Ireland following his release in the Republic has not yet been made.

However, Duffy is now expected to apply for transfer to Maghaberry prison in which case he can run both his jail terms concurrently –�avoiding having to serve additional jail time.

One of the criteria for transfer is that a prisoner must have family connections in the new jurisdiction.

Originally from Ligoniel in north Belfast Duffy meets the criteria for transfer. A final decision on the move will be made jointly by the Irish Department of Justice and the Northern Ireland Prison Service.

Six months after his early release under Good Friday Agreement terms, Duffy was also questioned by police in relation to the murder of taxi driver Trevor Kell (35).

Duffy had been living in exile in Dundalk when in March 2007 he became involved in a bar brawl with barman Colin O’Neil.

Duffy left the bar before returning with a shotgun which he fired at Mr O’Neil in an attack that was captured on CCTV.
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By Noel McAdam
Thursday 8, May 2008
Belfast Telegraph

The first anniversary of power-sharing at Stormont passed yesterday without fanfare or ceremony.

Even this afternoon's scheduled session of the Executive was called off.

Instead, the message at the main session of the United States Economic Investment Conference was 'business as usual', with most of the Executive ministers due to take part in the proceedings at some point.

"The focus is on the conference so it was decided to postpone the Executive meeting," a spokesman said.

But as the political parties reflected on the past year, the DUP said republicans had faced "hard lessons" — with more to come as they "realise parity and equality are a two-way street".

Gregory Campbell said: "As we look forward we need to demonstrate to the entire community but particularly unionists that the days of partisanship and concessions to republicanism are well and truly over.

"This will mean hard choices for republicans, but after 30 years they have to realise that the future is going to be different from the past in more ways than just the abandonment of their long-held beliefs and their long sought-after goal of trying to bring the two countries on this island together."

In a review of the past 12 months, he cited the rejection of the Irish language legislation, "thwarting" of Sinn Fein's campaign to achieve the devolution of policing and justice by this month and defence of academic selection as evidence of improvements over Direct Rule administration.

On policing and justice, he insisted: "As a result of our negotiations this matter cannot be devolved without our agreeing to it. We want it done when the time is right, it's not right now."

Alliance Party leader David Ford said he was pleased to see the first birthday of devolution but less than pleased with the performance of Executive ministers. "They have been unimaginative and have often lacked the vision and courage to take the decisions needed to improve Northern Ireland. They are meant to be making life better for local people but there is very little evidence that they have done this," he said.

:::u.tv:::
6 May 2008

The contribution of former paramilitary prisoners to the Northern Ireland peace process can no longer be ignored, Junior minister Gerry Kelly said today [6/5/08].

The Sinn Fein Assembly member and one-time inmate at the Maze said the role of ex prisoners` groups in conflict transformation was vital and should be applauded.

Mr Kelly, who was among a group of IRA inmates who escaped from the Maze prison in 1983, was speaking at the launch of a new academic study on how paramilitaries jailed for their actions during the Troubles had contributed to society since their release.

The research was conducted by Queen`s University academic Dr Pete Shirlow.

The Junior minister noted that guests at the launch event, which was hosted by the Community Foundation for Northern Ireland, were drawn from both sides of the conflict.

"Many of the people gathered here today bear further testimony to the power of dialogue and to what can be accomplished by collaborative working," he said.

"People who are divided by political opinion and ideology are brought together by issues of common concern such as addressing social deprivation, exclusion and inequality.

"The attendance at this event, coupled with the evidence contained within the evaluation report, points to the ongoing process of change that is happening throughout communities here.

"Many former political prisoner groups are leading by example in demonstrating their commitment to addressing the challenges that face those worst off in our society as we continue our journey on the road away from conflict.

"Although often obscured by negative publicity, their efforts and achievements, clearly outlined in this report cannot be ignored and should be applauded."

News Letter
8 May 2008

THE debate over the future of the IRA Army Council has taken a strange twist after Martin McGuinness claimed it may no longer exist.

In an interview to mark the impending first anniversary of power-sharing with the DUP (on May 8), the News Letter suggested to the Deputy First Minister that there could be no transfer of policing and justice powers to Stormont until the IRA leadership is formally disbanded.

Devolution promise

Mr McGuinness claimed the DUP had promised the powers would be devolved by this month – a suggestion the DUP totally rejected.

And of the IRA, he responded: "I do not know if it (the Army Council] does exist or not."

When pressed that this was a statement which many – unionists in particular – would find "risible", the Sinn Fein negotiator and former IRA commander said: "How is it risible?"

He explained that over the last year "all of my focus and all of my meetings have been on the work of government" and "I have not had any cause whatsoever to be in touch with the IRA over the course of the recent while".

Out of equation

Therefore, he claimed to be unaware if there still was an Army Council –and therefore an IRA.

"The IRA has left the stage. They are totally and absolutely out of the equation. Any attempt to drag them back onto the stage is a big mistake," said Mr McGuinness of unionists linking it to policing and justice.

Condemnation

However, the shadow of the IRA continues to linger over politics and the country when events such as the murder of Paul Quinn, in south Armagh, occur.

The Deputy First Minister said he and his party condemned the killers of Mr Quinn and called for people to help put the "criminals" responsible behind bars.

He claimed the IRA was not a threat and having decommissioned, stood down members and ended violence, asked, why would it then countenance or condone the activities of whoever was responsible for the murder of Paul Quinn?

"It doesn't make sense. It defies logic," he said.

Mr McGuinness claimed that the DUP had promised him, personally, that it was committed to transferring the powers in line with the date, envisaged by the St Andrews Agreement, of May this year.

More specifically, he recalled "a conversation that I had with Ian Paisley Jnr, Peter Robinson and Nigel Dodds in this very building (Stormont Castle] on the Saturday before the March 26 (2007 – the day Ian Paisley and Gerry Adams announced a devolution deal], when I put to them that it was very, very important that people stood by the commitments that were made in the St Andrews Agreement and was told by the DUP that they would do that.

"Obviously, that specified that powers should be transferred by May of this year.

"Everybody left St Andrews on the basis that the date for the transfer of policing and justice powers was May this year."

A DUP spokesman responded: "At no time during the meeting (March 24, 2007] did any DUP representative give a commitment to devolve policing and justice powers by May 2008.

"At that meeting it was articulated that the DUP would stand by any commitment made at St Andrews. At no time during or after St Andrews did the DUP make a commitment to devolve policing and justice powers within the Government timetable.

"The St Andrews Agreement and the May 2008 date are products of British and Irish governments. At no time has the DUP ever signed up to the St Andrews Agreement or the May 2008 date.

"This position was openly expressed by Mr Paisley during the Press conference following St Andrews.

"Whilst the DUP favours the devolution of policing and justice powers, we have stated in our manifesto and in other public comments that the confidence does not exist to support any move.

"We will only contemplate any move when all the conditions are right."

Meanwhile, Mr McGuinness said he was confident he and Peter Robinson can work well in OFMDFM.

He noted: "People talk to me about the vexed issues and the big problems that have to be addressed. None of them compare with the challenge that was before us to get these institutions up in the first place."

However, he urged the DUP not to fall into the trap of taking decisions while looking over its shoulder at Jim Allister, as David Trimble had done with the DUP.
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By Bryan Gray
News Letter
08 May 2008

SEPARATE bomb scare alerts in both Belfast and Banbridge have been confirmed as hoaxes.

At around 9am, police have confirmed a telephone call indicated a device has been left near the electoral office in Banbridge. Bridge Street was evacuated.


The scene in Banbridge town centre this morning

The town centre was closed off to members of the public and traffic.

Following extensive searches, nothing was found. The town centre is now operating as normal.

In Belfast, a package was found inside economic development agency, Invest NI's headquarters on Bedford Street shortly after 9.30am.

After an examination, police deemed the package as not being suspicious.

The security alerts come as Prime Minister Gordon Brown and newly appointed Irish premier, Brian Cowen arrive in the Province as part of the three-day US investment conference.

Belfast Telegraph
Wednesday 7, May 2008

The Omagh bomb trial is preparing to move from Belfast to Dublin next week. The ongoing multi-million pound action has already made history by just reaching the civil courts, but when it travels south of the border to hear evidence from 50 Garda officers it will make another legal first — the first time a judge from Northern Ireland has travelled to the Republic on judicial business.

Relatives of six bomb victims — Geraldine Bresline (43), Aiden Gallagher (21), Esther Gibson (36), Anne McCombe (45), Alan Radford (16) and Lorraine Wilson — are suing five men they believe to have been involved in the Real IRA bomb that slaughtered 29 people and unborn twins on a summer's day in August 1998.

No one can be jailed as a result of their action but the families hope it will help uncover the truth about what happened and give them some sort of justice.

All five defendants, Micheal McKevitt, Liam Campbell, Colm Murphy, Seamus Daly and Seamus McKenna, deny any part in the explosion.

Last week Belfast High Court heard how Real IRA quartermaster McKevitt, who is serving 20 years in Portlaoise Prison for directing terrorism, has effectively shunned the case. His alleged second-in-command, Liam Campbell, has also taken no interest and is the only defendant not legally represented at the civil action.

The families hope their legal team, headed by Lord Daniel Brennan, can use the civil proceedings to put as much information as possible about the attack into the public domain.

To date, the landmark trial has heard from shoppers who watched the bombers smile as they walked away from the car bomb; RUC officers who were first on the scene after the explosion; medical staff who treated the dying and wounded; telecommunications experts who traced mobile phones to the bomb cars and former detectives who quizzed Real IRA suspects. And while much of the evidence has been hard hitting, its impact has been softened becuase it has all been heard before — during criminal proceedings against Michael McKevitt, Colm Murphy and Sean Hoey as well as during the victims' inquests.

But the civil action is now into its fourth week and things are starting to hot up. Yesterday's announcement on the admissibility of hearsay evidence from an FBI agent who infiltrated the ranks of the Real IRA can be seen as a significant step for the families.

After considering the 1997 Civil Evidence Order, presiding Judge Mr Justice Morgan ruled that some 2,300 emails and other documents passed between the US trucker turned spy, David Rupert, and his security service handlers could be read to the court — giving a fascinating insight into the murky world of terrorism. Although the emails were admitted to McKevitt's criminal proceedings in 2003 much of what's coming next week has never been heard.

Speaking outside the court yesterday the families legal representatives said the real story would come out in Dublin.

Rupert worked for the FBI and MI5 from 1994 infiltrating the ranks of the Real IRA in 1997. He attended several meetings of the RIRA Army Council and gave descriptions of meetings with the terror group leader Michael McKevitt. He took the stand in Dublin and his evidence was considered instrumental in securing McKevitt's 20 year prison term. However, Mr Rupert is in hiding under an FBI witness protection programme in America and has been banned from giving evidence either in person or via videolink because of concerns for his safety.

Lawyers acting for two of the defendants, Michael McKevitt and Colm Murphy, had argued that it was unfair to admit the hearsay evidence without having an opportunity to cross-examine.

But the judge ruled it was in the interests of ensuring a fair trial for all the parties to admit Rupert's evidence.

He told the court: "Conscious of my obligation to ensure a fair trial for all of the parties I consider that this is properly achieved by permitting the plaintiffs to admit the evidence and applying the appropriate safeguards contained within the 1997 Order."

Meanwhile, the widespread publicity surrounding the civil case has also attracted some criticism for the families involved. But Godfrey Wison, whose daughter Lorraine died after being evacuated from an Oxfam charity shop into the path of the bomb, has hit back and said it was his duty as a father to join the action.

He said: "It's a struggle to get up and deal with it every day. It never entered my mind to withdraw from it. When we had questions to ask the solicitors, and doubts we had, we never considered ever removing ourselves from it.

"I wouldn't be worldly wise of the law but when a solicitor approached me to say look, there is a strong case for a civil hearing, £ I wholeheartedly went along. Because when a young girl has been destroyed and nobody is doing anything about it, then I think if, as a parent, I don't stand up and be counted, what sort of a father am I?

"It breaks my heart that I called her out of her bed at half eight in the morning to go to do charity work. If I had known what I was getting her into. When I think of what happened and me waking her out of a sound sleep, it tears the heart out of me. To think I should have locked the room and kept her in it rather than wakening her to send her to her death."
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